By Zener, Praez,
and Chris Caruso
Of the Kensington
Welfare Rights Union
Web: http://www.libertynet.org/kwru
E-Mail: kwru@libertynet.org
October 1998
-Draft-
I. Background:
There have been
fundamental changes taking place in the economy in recent
years.
Changes in the production process (how things are made) are changing
the social order
(how we relate to each other). Since the 70's, new
technologies
such as robotics and computers have led to vastly increased
productivity
(meaning they can produce more stuff with less work). This
enormous productivity
could mean that we could all work less, and still have
everything we
need. Instead, the profits from this increased productivity are
going directly
to the owners of these companies, while more and more of us
forced out of
work, sometimes permanently. Every MAC machine you see used to
be three bank
teller jobs. Those scanners they have at the grocery store mean
that the lines
move faster, so they can hire less people to work the
registers. This
is happening all across the country, in many different
industries.
This has lead
to the birth of a new class. Many of us have been shut out of
work by the
decisions of the owners of these companies in response to the new
technologies.
Instead of sharing the benefits of this new technology, some
people are getting
massively enriched and others are simply being thrown out.
When we can't
get work, we can't get paid to buy food, clothing and shelter.
We are forced
to fight for our very survival. This is the new class.
A lot of anger
and frustration has been created by these new conditions. One
example of this
is the uprising in LA a few years ago. While the corporate
media portrayed
it as a race war, it was really a bread riot. The items most
stolen from
shops were not TVs and VCRs, but canned foods and baby diapers.
People were
reacting to the conditions under which they are being forced to
live. The owning
class (those who own the companies and run the government)
want to hold
on to what they have. They are making billions of dollars from
these recent
changes in the economy. They are afraid that the people will get
organized and
demand that they share the wealth that we all have produced
fairly. So,
they are instituting new means of social control to keep people in
line.
II. Strategy
The old means
of social control of the new class- the welfare state, is
eroding every
day. The strategy of the owning class is to replace the welfare
state with the
police state as a means of social control. The "War on
Graffiti" is
a major tactic of the strategy.
The graffiti
artists represent the youth of the new class who are organized
into an independent
protest activity- namely, writing graffiti. The owning
class is terrified
of that organization because it is organized against them
and their interests.
The War on Graffiti is an attempt to destroy that
organization
through building the police state.
Strategically,
The War on Graffiti has two elements. The first is to build the
social and political
basis for the police state. The owning class is in
hegemony. They
are very clear about their agenda to build the police state.
However, numerically,
they are in the minority. They need the support of the
community leaders
to implement their policies effectively. One way they do
this is through
public-private partnerships: partnerships between community
organizations
and business. A report from the Pew Charitable Trust states this
quite clearly.
Many of the Philadelphia
neighborhood-based organizations started as
advocacy groups
with a strong adversarial relationship with the city and
local administration.
Some groups still use those tactics. But while the
adversarial
organization plays a role in community development, the more
successful groups
have moved from that confrontational stance to a more
businesslike
approach, building relationships with corporate leaders…
some of the
original founders have remained with their organizations, but…
those leaders
evolved into seeking pragmatic solutions to the problems of
their neighborhoods.
As the leaders changed, so did their groups. ("A Matter
of Vision,"
Pew, Sept. 1988)
PhilaPride, the
organization that sponsored the "Greater Philadelphia Graffiti
Vandalism Symposium"
is one example. PhilaPride is a partnership between the
Greater Philadelphia
First Corporation and the City of Philadelphia. The issue
of graffiti
is being used to organize the community groups around the agenda
of the owning
class.
The second element
of the strategy of the War on Graffiti is to divert public
attention away
from the issues of economics, poverty and homelessness. Why do
we have poverty
and homelessness? The owning class cannot answer this
question. This
is why the tactics of the Kinsington Welfare Rights Union have
been so effective-
the owning class has no answer for homelessness amidst
plenty. So,
the War on Graffiti diverts people's attention away from these
fundamental
issues and onto an issue that the owning class does have an answer
to. Thus, the
question becomes graffiti and the answer becomes a police state.
Thus, we are
not talking about economics, poverty, welfare cuts, or layoffs.
Instead we are
talking about weather to ban spray paint in the city or not. No
one talks about
the reality of life for graffiti artists- that they have no
recreational
facilities, no public spaces, very little prospects for
employment,
and little access to education. Instead, they talk about how to
best put them
in jail. The War on Graffiti is estimated to cost 7 billion
dollars a year
nationwide. No one talks about how we could spend that money in
our own interests
III. Tactics
Executive
On May 2, 1995
Mayor Ed Rendell announced a major campaign for "zero
tolerance" of
graffiti in the city.
Mayor Rendell
said: "One of the worst problems facing this city… is graffiti…
While it is
true that graffiti can't kill or main… graffiti is-a more
insidious Problem…
It can kill morale…" (Daily News, 5/3/95)
The city now
spends $3 million dollars a year on this campaign, up from $1.5
million a year
ago.
The mayor has declared three zero-tolerance zones:
1. The Empowerment
Zones
2. Broad Street
3. The Rec Department
properties
"Zero Tolerance"
means that all graffiti that goes up will come down within 24
hours. This
has already been achieved in areas of other cities, including LA.
The mayor uses
the power of the bully pulpit to advocate for tougher anti-
graffiti measures
throughout the city.
Legislative
There have been
3 major legislative reforms to the criminal code regarding
graffiti in
the last year:
1. Prior to 1995,
graffiti was a summary offence whose maximum penalty was 90
days and $300
in fines unless they could prove an offender did over $5,000
worth of damage
to property. Unsatisfied with this, the laws were changed. A
new law called
"Possessing instrument of crime" was created.
The law "Prohibits
the possession of instrument of crime with intent to employ
it criminally;
'instrument of crime' is anything used for criminal purposes,
under circumstances
not manifestly appropriate for lawful uses it may have"
(18 Pa C.S.
907). It is a first-degree misdemeanor with a maximum penalty of 5
years or $10,000
fine. Indelible markers and cans of spray paint are now
"instruments
of crime" under the law.
2. Laws that
hold parents liable for damages (up to $600) from their
children's graffiti
have been passed.
3. Laws that
penalize property owners for not cleaning up their property have
been passed.
In addition,
enforcement of existing curfew ordinances is being explored. In
Norwalk, CA,
they send out a patty wagon every night to collect all the youth.
On the way to
the police station, they pick up the youth's parents. Norwalk
has reported
a 40% decrease in graffiti. Suspension of driver's licenses for
offenders is
also being explored.
In addition to
criminal laws, the "victim" of graffiti may sue for damages in
civil court.
In another recent legislative reform, insurance companies can now
be victims of
graffiti. This was not advocated for by the insurance companies,
but by the anti-graffiti
legislators. They hope this will result in many more
lawsuits against
graffiti artists and their parents.
Councilwoman
Happy Fernandez, Councilman Frank DiCicco and Councilman Michael
Nutter are anti-graffiti
leaders in City Council.
Judicial
At the May 2,
1995 press conference which kicked off the current anti-graffiti
campaign, "District
Attorney Lynne Abraham pledged to prosecute…and Municipal
Judge Seamus
McCaffey vowed to sentence the culprits to community service,
including graffiti-cleanup
duty" Abraham said: "We are going after all the
taggers…We have
to tag the taggers." (Daily News, 5/3/95).
John Delaney,
Deputy, Juvenile Division, District Attorney's Office, City of
Philadelphia
says that they will "find you guilty in a fair trial" and
promises that
every youth in juvenile court will be forced into a "community
service army
to repaint graffiti" (6/18/96 Graffiti Symposium).
A special Graffiti
Court has been instituted with two full-time graffiti
judges. "All
graffiti misdemeanor cases will go to two judges who have shown
an inclination
to both give tough sentences and to force graffiti vandals to
work on cleaning
up not only their own mess, but that of others," Rendell said
(Inquirer, 5/23/96).
Seamus McCaffrey
and William Meehan 3d are graffiti judges. An ex-cop of 20
years, McCaffrey
promises to "aggressively take control of these individuals"
with "very serious
penalties for repeat offenders" (6/18/96 Graffiti
Symposium).
Penalties include community service in graffiti removal (ranging
from 100-300
hours) for first time offenders and jail sentences for repeat
offenders.
McCaffrey has
also promised "a virtual army of convicted criminals that will
be doing community
cleanup" of graffiti (Inquirer 5/3/95).
McCaffrey bemoans
the fact that although the maximum on the books is now 5
years, legislated
sentencing guidelines make the maximum he is actually
allowed to give
2 1/2 years. They are hoping to change that soon.
Law Enforcement
Currently, the
Philadelphia Police have 11 Anti-Graffiti Squads of two police
each, which
they hope to expand soon with new Federal money. They are on an
aggressive campaign
to arrest as many graffiti artists as possible. There is
coordination
between SEPTA police, School police, and University police around
the war on graffiti.
The tactics of the Philadelphia Police Anti-Graffiti Squads include:
1. Surveillance
All graffiti is recorded with photo or video records and
analyzed.
2. Computers
Long-term computerized tracking of tags, which are indexed to
real names and
photos of graffiti artists.
3. Stings Paint
a wall clean and either stake it out or set up a hidden video
camera to catch
graffiti artists.
4. "Bounty Hunter
Programs" Offer $250 bribe for people who snitch on graffiti
artists.
When graffiti
artists are arrested, they are presented with their whole
history of photo
evidence of their tags, and an attempt is made to force them
to confess to
the whole history of vandalism. Without a confession, the police
cannot prosecute
you for more than you are actually caught for (because
someone else
could have painted the same tag).
Police monitor
the entire graffiti sub-culture, all of the magazines and
underground
videos, as well as all graffiti discussion on the Internet. They
also employ
sociologists to study the culture (see "Colleges and
Universities").
Police also monitor
the political content of graffiti very carefully.
Political graffiti
is very rare; say police, but they are alarmed by a recent
increase in
political graffiti.
Community Organizations
A new organization
has been formed: "Philadelphians Against Graffiti" (PAG).
PAG's mission
is to organize every neighborhood and community organization in
Philadelphia
on an anti-graffiti platform. It is directed by Dan McGowen,
formerly in
real estate. They are very well funded and receive support from
all of the other
organizations here.
The Paint Industry
M.A.B. Paints has voluntarily removed all spray paint from its city stores.
The paint industry
is worried about what they consider "product misuse", and
obviously want
to do everything they can to offer solutions to the graffiti
problem other
than banning spray-paint. They keep a national database of
solutions that
different cities all over the country have tried and assist in
there networking
with each other. They have also been involved with campaigns
to stop companies
such as MTV and others from advertising with graffiti. The
paint industry
and others are toying with the idea of product boycotts of
those companies
who advertise with images of graffiti.
Graffiti Clean-up
The city has
8 mobile anti-graffiti squads. In addition, the graffiti court
has promised
to provide an "army" of convicted youth to clean up and the
school district
has pledged their students in the clean-up efforts. Community
organizations
are being equipped with graffiti removal supplies. These will be
supplemented
by laws forcing property owners to clean up their properties.
And, the National
Guard will join the graffiti clean-up in the Empowerment
Zone this summer.
Media
Zack Stalberg,
editor, Philadelphia Daily News says that his paper is "active
in supporting
anti-graffiti." Not only editorially- the Daily News is
committed to
producing more personal interest stories on the horrible effects
of graffiti,
as well as stories on "anti-graffiti heroes". Reporter Kevin
Hanley is very
active in what Stalberg calls :covering it in the right way".
This means that
graffiti is portrayed in a consistently negative light, and
care is taken
not to give graffiti artists any fame or notoriety by showing
their tags in
the paper. Stalberg says " I'm an editor who tends to see them
as vandals,
not artists" (6/16/96 Graffiti Symposium)
The Philadelphia
Inquirer also has ties with the Greater Philadelphia First
Corporation.
The Inquirer and Daily News coordinate their anti-graffiti
editorials,
stories, features and letters with other war-on-graffiti events in
the city, such
as "zero tolerance day". The Daily News heralds zero-tolerance
day with apocalyptic
rhetoric: "Graffiti bombs are bursting with increasing
frequency and
intensity…The explosion threatens the city's tenuous hold on its
dignity and
economic future…It is time for everyone weary of the expanding web
of spray paint
to declare war" (4/25/96). In the same period prior to zero-
tolerance day,
Philadelphia Inquirer devoted their Feature section to the war
on graffiti:
WAKE UP PHILADELPHIA. Your city is getting bombed day and night,
is being mauled
and insulted and scarred like never before, and the long-term
damage is enormous…the
fate of the city is tied to weather the graffiti
writers can
be controlled" (4/14/96).
Propaganda
The goat of the
anti-graffiti propaganda is to push through these new police
state measures
with as much public support as possible. This means first
convincing people
that the interests of the owning class are their interests
as well. Thus,
we are told that graffiti is destroying "the city"-as if the
interests of
everyone living in the city are the same. Graffiti's danger to
"economic well-being"
is often raised. The question is, who's economic well-
being is at
stake here?
The second aspect
of the anti-graffiti propaganda is to blame the poor for the
problems of
the city. Graffiti is the great scapegoat of the day. We are told
that graffiti
is the cause of urban decay-that graffiti causes everything
from illegal
dumping to prostitution to murder. Is graffiti the cause of urban
decay, or is
it a symptom? The implications of the anti-graffiti propaganda
are that the
poor have caused urban decay through their apathy and self-
destructive
behavior.
This scapegoating
propaganda is part of a larger, nation-wide campaign by the
major media
to vilify youth-particularly poor youth. Time magazine reports on
the growing
teenage population as "A Teenage Time Bomb", and say that
teenagers are
"temporary sociopaths" (1/15/96). The LA Times says, "More male
teenagers, more
crime. Period" (5/2/96). Newsweek says that adolescents are
"wild in the
streets" (8/2/92). Readers Digest says that teens everywhere are
"killer kids"
(6/93). A Gallup Poll found that Americans have "a greatly
inflated view
of the amount of crime committed by people under the age of 18"
with the single
biggest reason being "news coverage of violent crime committed
by juveniles"
(Gallup Poll Monthly, 9/94), (See "Wild in Deceit: Why "Teen
Violence" is
Poverty Violence in Disguise", Extral, March/April 1996).
What is never
mentioned in these stories is poverty. According to a UNICEF
report issued
on 6/11/96, among the world's rich industrial nations, American
children have
the highest poverty rate: "With more than one in five of it's
children below
the (poverty) line. The United States easily heads the child
poverty league",
the UNICEF report says. "The United States has failed to help
its poorest
children. It has basically turned its back on them, which is
particularly
irresponsible when you realize it's a country of such
extraordinary
wealth", UNICEF Executive Director Carol Bellamy, said in an
interview (LA
Times, 6/13/96). Instead of looking at the root causes of the
problems in
the city-namely, poverty, the youth are the scapegoated. This
scare campaign
to vilify our nation's youth is an attempt to get people
excited to prosecute
youth and welcome the increasing police state measures
against them.
Some of the ways the anti-graffiti propaganda does this is to
consistently
identify graffiti with gangs, drugs, and violence, as well as to
ignore the multi-racial
nature of graffiti.
Colleges & Universities
Broken Windows Theory
Harvard Criminologist
James Q. Wilson has produced the "Broken Windows
Theory". This
theory predicts that if graffiti is tolerated in a community, it
sends a signal
that the people living there do not care about their community
(because, of
course, everyone should hate graffiti). If allowed, graffiti
inevitably leads
to increased illegal dumping, which leads to an increase in
abandoned vehicles,
which leads to prostitution which leads to burglary, etc.
etc. Thus, Harvard
has legitimated the "war on graffiti" by "proving" that
graffiti is
the cause of prostitution and burglary and other crime in the
community. This
theory serves to justify the "war on graffiti" as a war on the
root of crime.
The roots of crime are conveniently identified as community
apathy, and
not grinding poverty.
Police Commissioner
Richard Neil: "This kind of blight breeds criminal
activity. It
makes it appear that there's apathy in the community, and
criminals feel
that they can act in this apathy"(5/3/95).
"Graffiti is
the number-one thing, behind crime, that's making people leave
the city", said
Police Officer Kevin Hall, sending his partner Gary Gathers
into a litany:
"The graffiti, comes the trash, comes the prostitution, comes
the abandoned
cars, comes the exodus from the city"(Inquirer 11/18/95).
School District of Philadelphia
Judith Williams,
Executive Assistant, Office of the Superintendent, School
District of
Philadelphia says that "We have 207,000 students and 99.9% of them
don't do graffiti.
We have a responsibility to change the thinking of those
who do. Students
should be appalled and offended by graffiti" (6/18/96
Graffiti Symposium).
The School District
has a two-year program to fight graffiti. The first year,
which has just
ended, was meant to raise awareness of the problem of graffiti
with staff,
family and students. The second year will involve changes to the
curriculum to
include anti-graffiti propaganda and mandatory active anti-
graffiti student
engagement (including anti-graffiti poster drives, and
students doing
actual graffiti clean up).
The school has
purchased surveillance cameras to catch graffiti artists in the
act. They are
instituting permanent changes in the social studies curriculum
to include anti-graffiti
propaganda. They are revising the school district
policies to
lay out specific penalties for graffiti. They are identifying
school psychologists
to work with graffiti artists who have been caught. And,
they are instituting
a program whereby the school will provide its own
transportation
to take students from school to jail, because the police can no
longer keep
up with the demand.
The School District
of Philadelphia has begun publishing its own anti-graffiti
newsletter called
"Zero Tolerance" in April 1996.
Sociologists
Police employ
sociologists to study what they call the "hip hop subculture".
They know everything.
They know all the language (we had a sociologist named
Victoria Wilson
from the Suffolk County Graffiti Task Force in Long Island
tell us the
difference between a tag, a throw-up, and a piece, and the
difference between
a toy, a cave-man, a king, and an all-city (6/18/96
Graffiti Symposium),
all the forms of organization, the codes of behavior, the
clothing styles.
Etc. They study and report on the motivations of graffiti
artists. All
of this is reported to police so that graffiti artists may be
more efficiently
caught and prosecuted.
Hey, that's it. Thanks for reading this. Please send your comments to
Kensington Welfare
Rights Union in Philadelphia (Box 50678, Philadelphia PA
19132 USA; kwru@libertynet.org).
Please send a copy of your comments to Rock &
Rap Confidential
(Box 341305, Los Angeles CA 90034 USA; rockrap@aol.com).
Thanks again.
Peace…